The War is Over!!
By: Hussein Al-Tuhami
Translated by: Ramadan Ahmed
There is strong evidence and clear indications that the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have degenerated into mere criminal gangs and lawless formations after the collapse and destruction of their solid, organised military force, which they initially wielded when the war began in April 2023.
A quick review of Sudanese, Arab, and international media reports reveals horrific news of massacres, looting, rapes, bombings of schools, hospitals, residential areas, and the killing of unarmed civilians in villages and cities along conflict zones.
This suggests that the rebellion is no longer a military threat but rather a security one. It also indicates that the RSF has reverted to its original state—what it started as—before transforming into a semi-military force with legitimate status under former president Omar al-Bashir and after his fall in 2019.
Unfortunately, the establishment of the RSF has proven to be a slow-acting poison that the Sudanese state is now suffering from. I highlighted this issue in a previous online article titled The Army’s Sin and the RSF’s Mistake.
After the collapse of the Addis Ababa Agreement signed in 1972, which brought peace to South Sudan, and the announcement of rebellion by the late Southern leader John Garang in 1983, the military situation in the South deteriorated. A fierce and extensive war broke out, for which Sudan, and particularly its army, paid a heavy price. The army was fighting on a wide front with a significant lack of equipment and, more crucially, a shortage of soldiers due to the harsh conditions of military service and low salaries.
In 1986, the “Murahaleen” forces emerged in the areas of contact with South Sudan—later known as the “Fursan” (Knights), then “Janjaweed,” and finally, as the Rapid Support Forces during the Darfur war. These militias did not receive salaries but were compensated with spoils. The idea was for certain ethnic and tribal groups to fight on behalf of the official army.
Now, the genie has returned to its bottle. Still, it has undergone deep distortions in its historical labyrinth, transforming into nothing more than criminal gangs akin to drug cartels in South America, particularly in Mexico and Colombia. Look at their actions, as reported by BBC Arabic on August 21, 2021.
The brutal drug war in Mexico claims thousands of lives each year as powerful trafficking groups fight for control over land and influence. These cartels control vast areas of the country and are also responsible for political corruption, assassinations, and kidnappings. The Sinaloa Cartel, for instance, operates in the Sinaloa region, which covers large parts of northwestern Mexico. The U.S. government has classified the Sinaloa Cartel as one of the largest drug trafficking organisations in the world. Founded in the late 1980s, the cartel was led for many years by the infamous drug lord Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman.
“El Chapo,” once considered one of the world’s wealthiest men, gained a fearsome reputation for violence while leading the cartel, ruthlessly eliminating rival groups. Mexican cartels often clash with one another but can also form strategic alliances. The Sinaloa Cartel has kidnapped, tortured, and slaughtered members of rival criminal gangs and had access to an extensive arsenal, including rocket-propelled grenade launchers and gold-plated AK-47 rifles. In July 2019, Guzman was sentenced to life in prison after one of the most notorious trials in modern U.S. history.
Prosecutors revealed that Guzman dealt in cocaine, heroin, and marijuana while paying off a network of traders, kidnappers, and hitmen. His imprisonment led to increased violence in the region as other groups sought to capitalise on his downfall. Despite this, the Sinaloa Cartel remains highly powerful, continuing to control northwestern Mexico, with operations extending from Buenos Aires to New York City.
This comparison demonstrates that the existence of armed groups fighting the state and possessing financial resources obtained through illicit activities such as theft, looting, and drug trafficking—coupled with advanced military capabilities—does not necessarily mean that these groups are fighting for a cause worthy of being called a rebellion. Instead, they are criminal organisations harming society, precisely what the RSF (Rapid Support Forces) has become: a criminal gang, which is its correct classification.
Declaring the end of military combat and the transition to security operations will dismantle the RSF’s perceived parity with the national army. It will also provide legal backing, both Sudanese and international, for containing the threats and harms posed by the RSF—not only to our country but to the surrounding region, both near and far. This necessarily requires the alignment of official military discourse, Sudanese diplomacy, and media in explaining the implications of this development.
It is time to focus our minds and hearts on peace, development, and constitutional reform. The war has ended, and these criminal gangs remain, whose suppression now falls under the purview of internal security operations.
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