Arka… Blind

Dr Al-Haitham Al-Kindi Yousif
Al-Hajla is a traditional children’s game. Our generation watched our sisters and their friends play it: one girl would jump, eyes closed, inside squares drawn on the ground, moving a small stone with her foot from one square to another while calling out, “Arka.” If she succeeded without stepping on the lines, the other players would chant back, “Arka.” If she failed, they would reply, “Blind,” and another player would begin her attempt, and so it continued.
By God, is this not exactly what our esteemed government and its institutions are doing? It jumps into the square of decision-making, then waits to see how public opinion reacts; if the public is indifferent or shows no opposition, the matter proceeds. If not, the government retreats, only to begin a new round of the same game — or whatever else one may wish to call it.
Many examples could be cited from recent writings following the repercussions of the Al-Asjad issue. I shall, however, confine myself to examples that preceded it in the recent past, such as the maintenance of the Halfaya Bridge and the decision to ban the import of goods described as luxury items.
The reasons behind this lie in the absence of state institutions — or their deliberate sidelining, as some would say. Many of these projects and decisions require the approval of the legislative body, which has been absent for more than seven years. Added to this are the lack of a clear vision and the absence of a plan capable of translating that vision into reality.
Some may think that discussing such matters in wartime is a luxury or empty rhetoric. Yet our present reality and the circumstances of the war we are living through make this argument even more urgent. We are in dire need of a vision and a plan that manage limited resources with the highest possible efficiency. The true measure of success is the ability to achieve objectives by using available resources as efficiently as possible. Every wasted pound means a lost bullet in the battle on the front line, or a lost brick in the battle of reconstruction.
The absence of a plan guiding the work of government causes it to move with its eyes closed, just like in the game of Al-Hajla. Likewise, the failure to pass such agreements or decisions through the legislative body and the circumvention of the legal procedures governing contracting and public procurement undermine transparency and increase the risk of corruption seeping in.
These procedures, together with the Auditor General, are the government’s eyes, protecting it from blindness and enabling it to proceed with guidance and insight. The renowned political scientist Francis Fukuyama referred to this in his book Political Decay, in which he argues that states that lose their compass and act randomly see their institutions penetrated by interest groups and corruption. He described such a state as a “captured state”.
May God reward the journalists who addressed the Al-Asjad issue in recent days, exposed its procedural errors, and provided valuable information demonstrating its danger to national security. Their work forced the authorities to retreat from the step.
What is certain is that the information obtained by the journalists who raised the issue could have been obtained by the Bank of Sudan had it made a modest effort or followed proper procedures. Established practice requires the formation of a joint committee including the contracting authority, the Ministry of Finance, and relevant bodies — such as the intelligence services in the case of Al-Asjad — since the matter has three dimensions: financial, technical and security-related.
But the question people overlooked while preoccupied with the Al-Asjad affair is this: how many similar matters have passed unnoticed? Here the well-known proverb applies: “Everyone is mad, but only the unfortunate one ends up in chains.” I believe the proverb is clear enough not to require much explanation.
In the interest of correcting our vision, it must be said that while the Prime Minister is indeed primarily responsible for executive performance, this does not in any way absolve the Sovereignty Council of responsibility for any failure. It represents the head of state and the symbol of its sovereignty, and any attempt to evade this responsibility is unacceptable.
Therefore, in order to ensure transparency in government work, the Sovereignty Council must complete the organs of authority by establishing Parliament, restoring judicial institutions, appointing members of the Constitutional Court, and allowing access to the Auditor General’s reports. Officials responsible for mistakes must not be exempted from accountability, beginning with the Al-Asjad file. Such measures would restore citizens’ confidence and make them feel that the state is serious about fighting corruption and safeguarding the interests of the nation and its people.
Appointments to government positions must also be based on competence, without partisan or regional bias, for this is what improves the quality of government performance.
Continuing to run the state with a trial-and-error mentality amid the war imposed upon our country is a gamble with the fate of the nation. The time has come for our government to regain its sight by activating oversight and accountability institutions. Steering the country to safety requires a clear strategic path that upholds institutionalism and transparency, so that we do not, God forbid, find ourselves in a state of complete blindness — when regret will no longer be of any use.

Shortlink: https://sudanhorizon.com/?p=15643