Sudanese-Egyptian Relations: Post-War Era

By Prof. Al-Tijani Abdel Qader Hamed
In the mid-1980s, I was in London working on my doctoral thesis. Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi—may God have mercy on him—would occasionally visit the city and meet with us individually and in groups. He would share updates about Sudan and the Islamic Movement, and we would update him on the situation of Muslims in the West. He was well-connected, with numerous friendships and relationships, and would sometimes invite us to join him in private meetings with unfamiliar people and entities.
One winter evening, he invited us to accompany him to a small town outside London. The visit was prompted by a dinner invitation from an experienced British figure who had witnessed the final days of British rule in Sudan and the subsequent national governments after independence. He also had close advisory ties with Sayyid Abdel Rahman Al-Mahdi, which later extended to his grandson, Sayyid Sadiq Al-Mahdi, and eventually to Dr. Al-Turabi, who was connected to Al-Mahdi through friendship and marriage.
We travelled to the dinner in a car provided by Captain Al-Noor Zarroug—may he rest in peace—driven by Abdel Hafiz Ibrahim (later Sudan’s ambassador). The journey took us through narrow, winding, and dark roads. Al-Turabi, seated in the front, occasionally asked the driver to slow down, saying, “Your car is long, and the road is narrow.”
Upon arrival, we were greeted by our elderly host and his wife, who was notably warm and welcoming. She told us enthusiastically, even before we sat down, “I’ve prepared a special Spanish dish for you. I hope you like it.” Though we thanked her, I naively assumed, by Sudanese standards, that this meant something extravagant, like lamb or a barbecue.
The host, however, seemed indifferent to his wife’s remarks about the meal, as if it were irrelevant to him. He also paid little attention to the two of us accompanying Al-Turabi, focusing instead on Sudanese affairs and, particularly, on Al-Turabi. He soon began discussing his upcoming book on Sudan and made casual remarks that eventually turned toward a specific topic.
He told Al-Turabi, “Your friend Sadiq visited me recently and sat in the same chair you’re sitting in now.” Just as he seemed about to reveal something significant, his wife interrupted, announcing loudly that dinner was ready. She seemed unconcerned with her husband’s storytelling, likely dismissing it as his usual ramblings about Sudan.
The “special Spanish dish” turned out to be a medium-sized clay pot accompanied by bowls of similar material. The hostess, gracious as she was, opened the pot and served us with a ladle, revealing a steaming mixture of herbs, vegetables, and various sea creatures of indiscernible forms. We began eating—or drinking—while exchanging glances, nodding politely at her periodic inquiries about whether we liked the dish. I told her it was delicious (God forgive me).
Our host resumed his narrative, recounting a conversation with Sadiq Al-Mahdi following President Sadat’s assassination in 1981. He had advised Sadiq to send a congratulatory letter to Egypt’s new president, Hosni Mubarak, to open a new chapter in Sudanese-Egyptian relations. However, he claimed that Sadiq’s actual letter dredged up the negative history between Sudan and Egypt rather than fostering reconciliation.
Reflecting on this, the host lamented not drafting the letter himself. He gave Al-Turabi a meaningful look, but Al-Turabi remained silent, perhaps focused on navigating the unfamiliar “Spanish dish” before him.
The host, identified as Mr. Graham Thomas (1921–2000), was well-known among Sudanese politicians from both the North and the South. He acted as an informal diplomat, facilitating communication between British officials and various Sudanese and regional governments. His memoir, Death of a Dream (1990), offers a rich repository of insights into Sudanese affairs.
The strained relations between Sadiq’s government and Egypt were no secret. The alleged content of his letter likely reflected historical grievances, including the 1970 Aba Island massacre involving Egyptian forces and earlier suspicions of Egyptian involvement in Sudanese political upheavals.
Al-Turabi’s refusal to comment on the story could have been strategic, avoiding misinterpretation or unintended consequences. His relationship with Egypt was equally complex, as Egyptian authorities viewed his Islamic Movement with suspicion.
In light of the ongoing war in Sudan, three key factors could pave the way for stronger relations between the two countries:
The departure of previous figures like Nimeiri, Mubarak, Al-Turabi, and Sadiq opens opportunities for fresh leadership unburdened by historical animosities.
Escalating security threats underscores the existential need for mutual defence strategies.
The large number of Sudanese refugees in Egypt (over four million) highlights the enduring people-to-people ties and potential for fostering deeper collaboration.
The populations of Egypt and Sudan, totalling approximately 150 million, span a vast territory rich in resources. A unified economic and strategic framework could unlock immense potential, allowing these nations to become self-sufficient and resilient against external pressures. By focusing inward and leveraging shared strengths, they could build a future of mutual prosperity.
Overcoming historical grievances and fostering cooperation between Sudan and Egypt will require visionary leadership, strategic planning, and a commitment to mutual respect. Only then can these nations harness their full potential and secure a prosperous future.