In Nairobi… This Is What Happened!

 

By: Al-Sadiq Al-Rizigi

The arrangements for the signing ceremony of what is called the Founding Charter and the announcement of a parallel government had been in the works for many weeks. Initially, all preparations were directed towards holding the celebrations, signing, and government announcements in the Ugandan capital, Kampala. However, it seems that Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, due to his long political experience and understanding of the risks involved and its potential impact on his country, conveyed his concerns to the supporting parties behind this initiative. Consequently, the idea of holding the event in Uganda was abandoned.
Through its embassies and diplomatic attachés, the Sudanese government closely monitored the developments in Nairobi, Kampala, Juba, Addis Ababa, and other capitals. This became particularly significant when the preparations shifted to Nairobi, Kenya. Sudanese Foreign Minister Ali Yusuf travelled to Nairobi, where he met with Kenyan President William Ruto and earlier with the Kenyan Foreign Minister. He spoke to them in a clear and firm manner regarding what was happening. President Ruto assured him that Kenya would take measures to prevent any event that could lead to the announcement of a parallel government to Sudan’s legitimate government. He further reaffirmed his commitment to good neighbourly relations and his desire to strengthen ties with Sudan and visit the country.
What Happened?
The British government was one of the key external forces behind this farce of a signing ceremony. The British intelligence attaché at the UK Embassy in Nairobi personally coordinated with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the “Taqaddum” (Progress) political alliance, and a group of activists. Alongside him, a team of British intelligence operatives working under the MI6 cover and members of the Israeli Mossad were involved in the coordination efforts. Additionally, the UAE Embassy in Nairobi played a major role in pressuring the Kenyan government and facilitating the arrangements for the signing ceremony and the government announcement, which was scheduled for 17 February 2025.
Meanwhile, the Sudanese government continued its monitoring efforts. A team from the Sudanese Embassy held several meetings with Kenyan intelligence chief Nooruddin Haji, who expressed understanding of Sudan’s concerns and promised to do everything possible to contain the situation. He assured Sudan that Kenya was not involved in these internal Sudanese matters. He remained in contact with the Sudanese Embassy until the last moments, reaffirming his commitment while attending the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa alongside President William Ruto the previous week.
However, on 17 February, sources close to Kenyan intelligence relayed information to the Sudanese Embassy that Nooruddin Haji had confided:
“President Ruto and the Kenyan government are facing immense external pressure to allow this event to take place, despite knowing that it harms Kenya and its position.”
The Kenyan Government’s Involvement
At the same time, a faction within the Kenyan presidency, particularly within President Ruto’s office, was actively working with British, Emirati, and Israeli intelligence, as well as the RSF, to ensure the ceremony proceeded as planned. This group consisted of:
Kithure Kindiki – Vice President and Minister of Interior, who had received RSF leader Hemedti during all his visits to Kenya before and after the war.
Monica Juma – National Security Advisor, overseeing all presidential security affairs at a ministerial level.
Zahir Jahanda, MP and a well-known gold trader, introduced Hemedti to William Ruto before he became president and has remained a key intermediary between them.
Ahmed Dinar – Sultan of the Fur tribe, closely involved in liaising between the parties.
A senior official at the Ministry of Public Service, who was seen at the event organizing logistics, welcoming guests, and facilitating visas. He was reportedly paid by the RSF.
Alongside this Kenyan faction, the RSF maintained an office in Nairobi, which was reinforced in the days leading up to the event by:
Al-Qouni Hamdan Dagalo
Mohamed Mukhtar
Dr. Al-Waleed Madibo
This team handled administrative and logistical matters, including hotel reservations, visa processing, and coordination with the Kenyan government.
A separate delegation arrived in Nairobi, including:
Fadlallah Burma Nasir
Al-Hadi Idris
Tahir Hajar
Mohamed Hassan Al-Taaishi
Sulayman Sandal
Osama Saeed
Al-Noor Hamd
These figures and Al-Waleed Madibo were working on the political charter and coordinating political participation.
Arrival of Delegations
Once the date was set, arrangements were made to bring in delegations:
RSF second-in-command Abdel Rahim Dagalo arrived on a private jet from Chad’s capital, N’Djamena, accompanied by 53 traditional leaders from West, East, and South Darfur. However, North Darfur’s traditional leaders boycotted the event, and no prominent figures from Central Darfur attended.
They were housed at the Four Points Hotel, near Nairobi airport, to keep them away from the city centre and limit their interactions with outsiders.
Additional activists arrived from the UAE, European capitals, Uganda, West Africa, and Addis Ababa.
Ibrahim Al-Mirghani arrived with his wife, TV presenter Tasabeh, from the UAE on 16 February.
Hotel Arrangements
Accommodation varied by status:
Senior leaders (Burma Nasir, Al-Taaishi, Al-Hadi Idris) were placed in five-star hotels like J.T.C.
Activists and youth were put in lower-tier hotels in downtown Nairobi.
Top-tier advisors stayed at River Site Hotel and Azure Tower Hotel.
Abdel Rahim Dagalo exclusively booked Tribe Hotel, one of Nairobi’s most luxurious hotels.
Financial Deals and Alleged Payments
All hotel bookings and airline tickets were arranged until 21 February, with the government announcement initially planned for 22 February (after being postponed from 18 February).
Government sources indicate that Kenya has only permitted a political gathering without an official declaration. It remains uncertain what the Kenyan government will do on 22 February. A formal statement from Kenya is expected, possibly aligning with Sudan’s strong condemnation of President Ruto’s involvement, which the Kenyan press and opposition leaders have heavily criticized on social media.
A striking revelation from inside the RSF suggests that Abdelaziz Al-Hilu received $3 million for his participation. At the same time, other Sudanese figures like Ibrahim Al-Mirghani, Burma Nasir, and others shared a sum of less than $1 million.
Moreover, activists received $3,000 each, while Al-Qouni Dagalo and South Sudanese journalist Michael Christopher were given $25,000.
Additionally, ordinary Sudanese refugees in Kenya were paid $100 each to fill the event hall and create an illusion of widespread support.

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