What is Next Following El-Fashir?

Dr Al-Khidr Haroun
The fall of Al-Fashir into the hands of the Janjaweed after a legendary defence was a heavy blow to all Sudanese. It confirms the attachment of the majority of Sudanese to the unity of the land we live upon, and shows that calls to carve the country up so it can be swallowed whole from there are nothing but hollow taunts from those who still imagine that the fierce war we live through should be a vehicle to seize power. We hope the agonising grief of loss, the wails of bereaved mothers, and the treacherous paid bullets that strike them and the infants on their breasts will awaken everyone from the hatreds of the past, and that we all become certain that this externally supported aggression targets everyone — the far right, the far left and the centre alike — and its sights are fixed on the country with all its blessings. Seeing matters through the narrow lenses of partisan affiliation and blind fanaticism — in the manner of Al-Merrikh and Al-Hilal rivalries — is a grave betrayal of a proud, honourable homeland. Sadly, some deceived or frenzied or naïve people respond either with gloating over one particular side or with an overwhelming joy rooted in harming a sector or component of the population, or with delight at the fall of cities at the hands of militias backed by states and organisations that kill, burn, destroy, rape and slaughter the innocent and the defenceless based on identity. That is a plague and a crime that demands of us all — without distinction between sorrow and grief — to be deeply saddened; it has pierced our hearts with pain and anguish. We hope that the magnitude of this calamity will rouse our resolve, sharpen our capacities and awaken the best in us to forget our disputes and rise to protect the homeland with whatever abilities each of us possesses. This is what concerns us as individuals, organisations, parties and groups. These are turning points in a nation’s history; people must not act from ethnic, political or ideological platforms when the fires that rage make such distinctions meaningless.
As for the Sudanese government, the time has come to abandon the policy of giving citizens and foreigners the impression that things are normal in areas under Army and Government control — what the Franks call “business as usual.” That said, we are not saying everything should stop; some activity is essential, without which certain duties cannot be performed and people’s lives cannot function at all. Such activity looks to the future to revive hope and combat the paralysis and despair that kill action. Other activities are essential necessities, for example: encouraging planting seasons where agriculture continues to avert hunger; bringing medical aid from friends and international organisations; repairing hospitals and schools; restoring police forces to maintain security and protect citizens; and, above all, encouraging displaced Sudanese and refugees to return to their homes and areas. This should be followed by what the official media are doing now to publicise these aims by receiving representatives of friendly states and specialised international organisations.
However, it is time to reduce such coverage to a minimum so that citizens and officials do not live together in a false numbness that breeds slackness, complacency and burying one’s head in the sand. You may remember from childhood the tale of the hungry Ash‘ab who fooled the little ones with a lie, and then they believed it. The danger remains after the fall of Al-Fashir and is manifest in word and deed — so be warned. There is an excessive display of ordinary activity verging on sensationalism, with every visitor allowed to prolong their account, which makes many compete in publicising official visits for the sake of publicity and drafting reports: “no one is better than anyone else!” After reducing coverage, opportunities should be taken to inform “brotherly” partners in closed rooms without public ears — to place strong blame on their governments after the photo-op has finished and to hand them the correct narrative of the war, providing them with confirming evidence and proofs. We are at war; there is no place for the usual ceremonies and protocol. They should be told that silence, however well-intentioned, when interpreted as sympathy from the heart, can actually bless the aggression on Sudan, and messages should be sent to their leaders to that effect.
The matter requires reconsidering government bloating while the country bleeds blood and lives, and reducing it by merging ministries and institutions to the bare minimum necessary to perform duties, and converting all state representations abroad into active cells to clarify facts and mobilise support, together with free youth sectors in universities and organisations. There should be explicit naming of the countries deeply involved in the bloodshed — first and foremost, before the Rapid Support Forces — and an explanation of the RSF and its racist, tribal nature, emphasising that it is nothing but the Janjaweed, which was accused in 2003 of genocidal acts against African tribes. Exhibitions should be held in major hotels, decorated with still and moving images with translations. Expose the countries stoking this war and those weekly marketing Sudan at the Security Council in a blatant race that seeks to cover up the crimes of the United Arab Emirates by talking about famines and describing the food situation as the worst in the world. What is required is to confront the causes by condemning the state that sends weapons, supplies and mercenaries and stopping its harm, yet the narrative is instead promoted to incite and threaten international intervention to “save” the RSF and impose a regime not decided by the Sudanese people.
In the context of including the people and widening the circle of the Shura, representatives of the people from localities and states should be elevated to the federal level, complemented by academics from various fields and independent national figures with broad acceptance, to form a national advisory council that assists the government in making decisive decisions and that enables representatives of the people to grasp the scale of the conspiracy against the country so they can play their role until circumstances allow elections.
The government’s method of hiding its movements on matters that concern everyone is flawed and shows contempt for the millions of Sudanese who have the right to know what is happening. The great trust the Army has earned among most Sudanese should be preserved by informing the nation of the facts in the following manner:
“Your country is facing an aggression that enjoys strong regional and international support — materially, in the media and with deadly weapons — aiming at eradicating this Sudan, land and people. This aggression has been persistent since independence; it does not change with governments or regimes but takes different forms and methods as circumstances dictate. Sudan, in the face of this, stands alone, with no patron. We defend the country with meagre material capabilities compared with what the aggressors possess; we sometimes succeed, by God’s grace and by the resolve and devotion of our youth, and sometimes we fail because of the nature of things.”
Such truthful and frank words exempt the government from blame, protect it from unfounded accusations, and grant people patience with hardship — shortages of electricity and water, and lack of medicine — the condition of the dignified who do not bow to humiliation and who endure to preserve their pride and honour as human beings worthy of respect. Let us leave behind the grandiose but vague rhetoric such as “We will defeat the criminal Al-Dagalo militia!” In pivotal and decisive circumstances like the fall of cities, such statements provoke not only irritation but also anger and pity.
Those among the respected politicians and journalists and those who have contact with officials should advise them about what people have on their minds: the necessities of transparency and involving people in the national cause so they can participate in a struggle that concerns their destiny and that of their children and indeed the survival of the whole of Sudan, the cradle of civilisations — lofty and indomitable.
Let people debate an idea I regard as the pinnacle of these proposed measures: declare a nationwide state of emergency and reduce institutions so that savings and all resources are dedicated to the necessities of effective defence of the homeland and protection of citizens. This is a legitimate right under all international norms; to view it as love of war is a transparent tactic to seize the country and strip it of its fundamental right to life by preventing it from defending itself. No human being loves war and destruction, but those who do not do more than defend their own plot with arms will ruin everything.
In addition to these measures, I propose suspending artisanal mining and restricting it to the state, so that it can run its affairs and shoulder the burdens of preserving the state’s egg and safeguarding its land and honour, in accordance with the text of the constitution. God is the source of intent and grants success. God is greatest. Glory be to Sudan.

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