Will Our Government Lose Us?

Rashid Abdel Rahim
The clearest manifestation of the confusion gripping the government lies in the inconsistency of its decisions on fundamental issues, revealing a lack of understanding of its own responsibilities.
The electricity company announced a tariff increase, only for the Minister of Energy to swiftly issue a decision cancelling it. Yet neither the ministry nor the company has the authority to set prices. That power lies with the Ministry of Finance. The ministry and the company are responsible for proposing the basis for any increase and how it should be distributed across tariff categories.
The greater confusion lies in the government’s announcement that it has approved the state’s general budget. A budget is a binding law, and laws—according to the Constitutional Document—are issued through a joint meeting of the Sovereignty Council and the Council of Ministers. In legal terms, therefore, there is still no binding budget for the state or for anyone else.
From a government operating in such disarray, it is hardly surprising to see decisions issued to raise fees on a commodity in which Sudan enjoys a global comparative advantage, and by a doubled rate at that. Fees on gum arabic were announced to have increased from 6,000 to 15,000 in one stroke.
Global gold prices have witnessed a significant rise this year, and further increases are expected next year. This is happening amid confusion over how gold is handled domestically, in a country where artisanal mining predominates for a commodity that, by its nature, should be a state monopoly as a subterranean resource. Confusion and ambiguity still surround the direction of establishing a gold exchange: will it be in Qatar or in Sudan?
There is widespread talk that most gold exports currently go to the United Arab Emirates, as though Sudan’s own strategic commodities are financing hostile actions against Sudan.
Our livestock wealth has likewise become hostage to the unilateral orientations and visions of a minister who speaks of projects he alone defines and decides upon.
The Central Bank of Sudan has issued financial policies for the coming year, speaking of exchange rate stability and declining inflation. Yet the reality on the ground makes these objectives unattainable—especially given a government that is disoriented and relies on increasing fees and taxes that burden citizens and stifle trade and commodities.
Many institutions and officials continue to reside in Port Sudan, with spending on hotel accommodation, allowances, four-wheel-drive vehicles, and payments to staff who are away from their actual workplaces inside and outside Sudan.
All this occurs alongside talk of major corruption, about which the government remains silent—neither acknowledging it, denying it, nor combating it.
A return to Khartoum would mean increased production and services, as major factories and service hubs are located there. These represent revenues from fees and taxes that are currently being squandered.
Our government is lost and far removed from what is required, at a time when the war is entering its third year. Were it not for our army’s competence on the battlefields—securing its weapons, equipment, salaries, and operational requirements—the country would have been lost.
Will Sudan be lost under the government of Kamel Idris?

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