Will Donald Trump Win a Nobel Prize for Destruction?

Mahjoub Fadl Badri

The Swedish scientist Alfred Nobel, who died in 1896, invented dynamite—an invention that proved useful in construction and mining, yet was also used in warfare. A French newspaper once mistakenly published an obituary under the headline: “The merchant of death is dead”, referring to the wealth he had amassed from instruments of killing. This description deeply shocked Nobel and led him to dedicate part of his fortune to establishing prizes for those who serve humanity in the fields of chemistry, physics, medicine, literature, and peace.

Since Mr Nobel did not include, among his prizes, any award for those who use explosives for destruction, sabotage, and the killing of civilians, Mr Donald Trump’s dream of winning the Nobel Peace Prize has, it seems, faded.

Frustrated that the Nobel Committee has not responded to his ambitions, Mr Trump—President of the United States, which possesses the most powerful military in the world—appears to have conceived a policy or notion of “imposing peace by force”. He began applying this idea to a sovereign state such as Venezuela, where he has, at least for now, achieved some success, before attempting to apply it to the Islamic Republic of Iran, with the consequences that followed.

This prompts me to suggest that the Nobel Committee establish a new category: a Nobel Prize for Destruction. After all, the dynamite invented by Alfred Nobel is a key component in many of the destructive explosives used by armies today, particularly bunker-busting munitions, which the United States and Israel have used extensively against facilities in Iran.

If such a prize were to be awarded, it would necessarily involve competition among those most capable of destruction, sabotage, targeted killings, and the killing of civilians. It would therefore be unjust for Mr Donald Trump to receive it without fair competition. Among the contenders—listed here without ranking—would be:

Benjamin Netanyahu, whose record is filled with what the author describes as “achievements” in destruction and assassinations.

Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, associated, in the author’s view, with conflicts in Yemen, Libya, Sudan, and Somalia.

Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, whose record includes violations attributed to militias in Sudan, as documented by international organisations and the United Nations.

On the subject of the United Nations—which was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001 alongside its then Secretary-General Kofi Annan—this sets, in the author’s view, a precedent that could be extended (satirically) to nominate armed groups alongside their leaders for such a hypothetical “destruction” prize.

One might assume that figures such as those mentioned cannot rival Mr Donald Trump. Yet, the author argues that representation should be considered—for instance, Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan representing the Arab region, or Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo representing Africa or transnational mercenary networks. He also notes that unofficial Colombian actors might enter the competition, given the involvement of mercenaries from there.

The door, in this satirical framing, remains open to anyone who considers themselves qualified to enter this “murky arena.”

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