The Saudi Government Heads West… Leaps Into the Sudanese Scene

Abdel Latif al-Bouni

Whether we like it or not, we are living in the era of American global hegemony — Pax Americana — echoing the ancient Pax Romana. The Roman Empire once commanded and dictated global affairs directly; today, American dominance operates through regional partners rather than through direct control.

After the end of the Cold War in 1990 and the collapse of the Soviet Union — and thus the end of bipolarity — the world seemed poised to return to multipolarity, resembling the international landscape before the Second World War. Many hoped NATO would dissolve voluntarily just as the Warsaw Pact had dissolved under pressure. The world yearned for the end of the arms race, the end of the age of wars, and for economic strength to become the decisive factor, with new poles such as Germany and Japan rising to prominence. But America said “no”. And Saddam Hussein — by invading Kuwait — helped cement this refusal, enabling the United States to rally the world behind it, restore the prestige of arms, and entrench unilateral dominance.
Knowing it could not lead the world alone indefinitely, the United States resorted to partnerships — or if you like, regional “agencies”. The Middle East became a field of competition between Israel, the Arab world, Iran, and Turkey.

Let us leap forward through the events to the present day: the Gulf region has firmly asserted itself as an indispensable regional power. Two factors helped make this possible. First, the current Gulf leadership — the third generation of the founding families — abandoned conservative diplomacy and boldly entered the contest for international influence. This is a natural political and diplomatic evolution. In today’s world, no state can afford not to seek influence beyond its borders; to avoid doing so is to accept stagnation and eventual decline. Seeking influence does not necessarily mean imposing hegemony; it can instead mean building reciprocal interests and coherent political coordination, even when the balance of power is unequal.

Let us leap again, past many developments, and arrive at His Royal Highness Prince Mohammed bin Salman. He came to leadership with a deliberate plan — Vision 2030 — designed to secure his country a prominent position in the global competition for influence. This project began with an unprecedented domestic transformation, a social revolution of sorts, which attracted the energies of youth and women and secured broad public approval alongside traditional legitimacy. With this internal strength, he engaged in foreign policy with deliberation and foresight, achieving a strategic breakthrough in Syria — and has now turned towards Sudan.

Let us leap once more, back to our beloved Sudan — with a broken “ḥ” — the nail in our hearts. The war raging there is no ordinary war; at its core, it is an unprecedented assault on innocent, unarmed civilians. This drew global attention and the concern of neighbouring states, among them Saudi Arabia, linked to Sudan by the Red Sea — which today functions more as a bridge than a barrier — in addition to numerous deep-rooted ties. Saudi Arabia has been at the heart of the crisis from the very beginning, indeed, even before the fighting erupted. The first attempts to stop the war were made in Jeddah, and the Jeddah Agreement remains the most suitable reference point for any attempt to end what is essentially an assault on Sudan. Saudi Arabia is also an active member of the “Quad”, with which Trump’s adviser Massad Poulos is engaging on the Sudan file. Prince Mohammed bin Salman, with all the political weight previously mentioned, placed Sudan at the top of his agenda during his visit to the United States last week — a visit that dominated global media attention, for it was a meeting between a global pole and a major regional one.

Let us leap a fourth time, beyond the procedural theatrics and the drama performed by President Trump — a man who has, since his return to office, practised a form of diplomacy one might call “the diplomacy of cheekiness”: a somewhat amusing boldness that forces one to keep watching. Returning to our topic — though we have not actually strayed far from it — the people of Sudan welcomed Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s assumption of the Sudan file. Even more striking was the political consensus: the Sudanese government welcomed it instantly, and all political parties — including the Islamic Movement and Ṣumūd — also welcomed it. This is the first genuine political consensus in Sudan not just since the war began, but in decades. It deserves to be welcomed. And it is certain that some will attempt to dismantle this consensus — even from within the groups that formed it — in pursuit of the expected “cake”. (People no longer fear God when it comes to the suffering of this afflicted nation.) In my view, the Prince’s effort to resolve Sudan’s crisis can begin from this fragile yet historic consensus — perhaps it will open the door to ending the military conflict.

As for the Saudi initiative — endorsed by the United States — its features have not yet been revealed, let alone its components. Is it still at the level of intentions? Has it moved to defining its main outlines? Or is it already prepared, polished, and awaiting execution? These are questions we cannot answer. But what we can say is that the long-suffering Sudanese people — patient atop their deep wounds — have taken this development as a hopeful sign. May it prove to be for the good.

Shortlink: https://sudanhorizon.com/?p=8932