Forming a Technocratic Government: Will It Resolve the Crises Plaguing the Nation?
Dr. Ismail Sati
We have persistently called upon the Chairman of the Sovereign Council, General Al-Burhan, to form an independent technocratic government. Before that, we had assumed that following the corrective measures of 25 October 2021, Al-Burhan would decisively announce an entirely new government—one that would restore the executive authority’s prestige, influence, and administrative competence.
Yet, between our assumptions and our persistent appeals, months and years have passed without our expectations being met.
Now, as the opportunity arises following the triumph of the armed forces and their supporters and mobilisers towards forming a government of national competencies, we must caution that merely establishing a neutral, professional government will not resolve the deep-rooted dilemmas and crises afflicting the country. Should this happen—God forbid—the people will, for the thousandth time, be left disillusioned with their government.
Let us suppose Al-Burhan rolls up his sleeves and brandishes his decisive sword against those circling him, pressuring for a politically-aligned government. Suppose, despite their will, he selects a prime minister and an independent technocratic cabinet. Would that alone suffice to solve the unprecedented crises overwhelming our nation?
Anyone who believes the solution lies solely in a technocratic government is, unfortunately, deluded.
Simply appointing an independent prime minister and cabinet will not resolve the issue, simply because—no matter their capabilities—they cannot wield a magic wand to part the sea of chaos and systemic collapse that has engulfed the state and its institutions like never before.
So, what is the solution?
More crucially, even before selecting a prime minister and cabinet members, there must be consensus on two distinct phases of this government’s tenure, culminating at the end of the transitional period.
During the first phase, there must be agreement on the expected outcomes within the first six months. These may include, but are not limited to:
Saving lives and restoring state authority.
Halting the bleeding and laying the groundwork for a secure future.
Drafting a mobilisation plan for youth to transition from military to civilian struggle.
Providing essential services—electricity, water, healthcare, education, and dignified livelihoods.
Winning public trust and initiating a fresh start.
Securing resources for reconstruction.
Unifying a divided society.
The second phase involves drafting an emergency economic plan with measurable outcomes within the remaining transitional period, while also establishing the foundations for a long-term national programme to advance the country economically, socially, politically, and culturally. Sudanese experts and intellectuals must contribute to shaping this programme, acknowledging that the two phases may overlap.
Essential Competencies for the Prime Minister
Once this programme is outlined and agreed upon, detailed criteria must define the next prime minister’s and ministers’ competencies, tailored to each ministry’s mandate. These competencies will form the basis for selecting key figures, ensuring no deviation from the required standards. Crucially, they must possess administrative expertise in both public and private sectors—not be politicians with known partisan leanings.
The prime minister must not be chosen based on political, partisan, regional, or tribal quotas, nor to appease factions. Performance must be measured against the competencies outlined below:
Executive Expertise: Proven experience in managing economic and developmental portfolios, with the ability to formulate and implement policies effectively.
Leadership & Vision: Charismatic leadership with a clear vision for the nation’s future, awareness of developmental priorities, and the ability to inspire Sudanese citizens. Must possess exceptional communication skills (particularly in public speaking and media engagement), crisis management acumen, and the ability to earn public trust.
Political Neutrality: No overt political affiliation, ensuring broad acceptability as a politically non-provocative figure capable of impartial collaboration.
Integrity & Credibility: An untarnished reputation, free from corruption or dubious associations, grounded in ethics and moral principles.
Negotiation Skills: Ability to mediate and coordinate among diverse political and societal factions.
National Insight: Deep understanding of Sudan’s political and social complexities, with decisive decision-making ability.
Diplomatic Standing: Strong international reputation and diplomatic skills to foster global relationships, particularly with international organisations, alongside geopolitical awareness.
At first glance, these requirements may seem impossibly stringent—akin to seeking a “Superman.” In reality, however, no candidate needs to fulfil all criteria perfectly. Priorities should align with the current political and national context, focusing on the most pressing needs.
Realistic Priorities for Selection
Four non-negotiable qualities for the prime minister are:
Integrity
Neutrality
Acceptability (locally, regionally, and internationally)
Wise and Conscious Leadership during the transition.
If these core traits are met, other gaps can be supplemented by a strong team and supporting institutions.
Is This Idealistic?
All this sounds well in theory—but how should the selection process unfold? Through interviews? Competency tests? Past experience evaluations? Assessment centres and simulation exercises? Or all the above?
Nomination & Selection Stages
Job Description: Draft a role profile based on the pre-agreed programme, specifying precise selection criteria.
Call for Nominations: Open nominations from agreed-upon entities, requiring detailed CVs and the candidate’s vision for the transition.
Initial Screening: A non-political expert committee shortlists candidates by matching CVs against predefined criteria.
In-Depth Assessment:
Behavioural Interviews probing past actions and decision-making.
Crisis Simulation Exercises (e.g., “How would you respond if international aid ceased?” or “If protests erupted against government policies?”).
Leadership & Personality Tests measuring crisis leadership, emotional intelligence, and integrity.
Case Study Submission: Candidates propose solutions (e.g., a transitional reconstruction plan).
Final Shortlist: Three candidates are presented to the Transitional Sovereign Council, which selects the most suitable via consensus voting.
Shortlink: https://sudanhorizon.com/?p=4983