Sudan and Trump’s National Security Strategy

Dr Hassan Isa Al-Talib
The roadmap published by the Trump Administration under the title National Security Strategy—covering the period from December 2025 to the end of the presidential term in December 2028—sets out the main directives for US foreign policy, particularly on national security across South America and the Caribbean, the geo-strategic region known as the Western Hemisphere.
It reaffirms adherence to the Monroe Doctrine, issued in the third decade of the nineteenth century, which aimed to protect the American Revolution after the proclamation of the republic. At that time, the young republic represented an existential threat to Europe’s traditional hereditary monarchies. The doctrine therefore prohibited and resisted any European colonial presence in the hemisphere, while committing the United States not to interfere in Europe.
Regarding the Middle East and Africa, the Strategy devoted its final two sections to these regions, in that order.
It expressed satisfaction that the United States had freed itself from the constraints of energy and oil dependency that once shaped its foreign and defence policy in the Middle East, and from existential threats previously directed at Israel’s security. It clarified that future bilateral relations with regional states would centre on cooperation in artificial intelligence (AI) and the countering of extremism and terrorism. The Strategy also emphasised that the US would no longer entangle itself in the internal affairs of these states, nor attempt to reshape their traditional governing systems in the name of exporting democracy. Instead, it stressed that the American priority henceforth was to deepen commercial and economic partnerships, pursue political cooperation through the Abraham Accords, and accelerate the inclusion of all regional and other Islamic states in these agreements as swiftly as possible.
On regional security in the Middle East, the Strategy noted that Iran’s threats to Israel had been entirely neutralised, but stressed that in the coming period, the US must safeguard freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea.
With respect to Africa, the Strategy stated clearly that past administrations’ policies of exporting democracy and providing aid and relief had failed and had harmed American interests. What is required now, it said, is a shift toward forging bilateral partnerships with selected African countries, based on investment-driven cooperation, especially in the oil, gas, and rare minerals sectors, as well as collaboration with some states in combating terrorist and extremist movements on the continent.
The Strategy explicitly cited the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan as two African countries that command President Trump’s attention and that must have their conflicts resolved.
Given this articulation of the US administration’s priorities and foreign-policy direction for the next three years, Sudan in particular must seek a bilateral dialogue aimed at opening the door to investment in oil, gas, and mining. Through maximising mutual interests and partnerships—anchored in Sudan’s abundant natural resources—Khartoum can present the case for Sudan’s strategic importance to President Trump, who has publicly stated that he knows little about the country during his meeting with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. This is the most reliable path to securing productive and stable bilateral relations with a Trump-led America, whose foreign relations are built upon shared interests, the slogan “America First”, and Trump’s core belief that there are no free lunches.
This Strategy marks a fundamental shift—indeed, a unique and pivotal chapter—in the course of US foreign policy since 1823, and a notable departure from the post-September 2001 approach, which sought to reshape minds and ideologies, impose and inculcate democracy, require the establishment of political freedoms, and replace what those administrations saw as dictatorial regimes, even through coercive force. Under that value-laden, often condescending framework, any development of bilateral relations was tied to such conditionality.
By elevating economic partnerships and investment, the Trump Strategy underscores the need to engage with secure, politically stable states. President Trump is known to value strong, confident leaders of stable governments. He has frequently mocked liberal ideological dogma, moral laxity, and the disdain for religious values embedded in liberal ideology.
It is essential that Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs treat the announced Strategy as the officially sanctioned American roadmap—and as the key to accessing the Trump White House. On that basis, sustainable peace in Sudan can be built and supported, especially in light of advances on the battlefield in the “Battle of Dignity”. The fruits of these gains can be harvested through economic and investment exchanges and partnerships that protect mutual interests—both with the wider world and with the Trump Administration specifically.

Shortlink: https://sudanhorizon.com/?p=9408