Recruiting Networks for Mercenaries in the RSF: Who is the Hidden Contractor?

Sudan Horizon – Exclusive

The investigative team of “Almohagig” (Arabic) and “Sudanhorizon” (English) has obtained new information about the networks involved in recruiting mercenaries to fight for the terrorist Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia in Sudan. The RSF relies heavily on a complex network of individuals closely connected to the UAE, which is the most influential network with agents in Chad, Central Africa, and Kenya. Recently, millions of dollars have been transferred to Kenya, and bank accounts have been opened in the names of individuals close to the terrorist Dagalo family.

These networks operate in neighbouring countries of Sudan, particularly in Chad and southern Libya, to open supply lines and bring in fuel, drugs, and logistical support for the militia in exchange for smuggling gold. It is almost confirmed that Taha Osman Al-Hussein, who has connections with influential leaders in many African countries since he was the head of the offices of former President Omar al-Bashir, oversees this network. He coordinates its activities with Abdul Rahim Dagalo, the second-in-command of the militia, and other leaders close to the RSF leader. One represents one of the UAE’s arms within the militia and in negotiation rooms.
Investigative sources suspect that the office of UAE National Security Advisor Tahnoun bin Zayed supervises the network members.

Mercenary Recruitment Operations
This group is active in providing necessary funds for the movement and buying the loyalty of local leaders. Contracts are made through local agents via direct communication or by making deals with chiefs and sheikhs to recruit young men from Arab tribes in Darfur, the Sahel, and West Africa. These efforts were coordinated by the militia leader in Darfur, Ali Yaqub, who was killed in El Fasher in recent weeks.
It is important to note that leaders in the Russian Wagner Group were tasked with training the mercenaries in handling weapons and urban warfare before transferring them to RSF camps. Recently, information has been circulating that a trio consisting of Hasabo Mohamed Abdel Rahman, the former Vice President, along with Mak Obeid Abushotal and Ali Rizk Allah, known as “Savannah,” who is sentenced to death, has been assigned to oversee the recruitment and persuasion mission among tribal members. However, the investigative team did not find tangible evidence beyond the statements of tribal leaders and some admissions from militia leaders.

Admissions by Jelha
A video circulating on social media this week showed militia field commander Jelha admitting the presence of mercenaries from South Sudan, Libya, Chad, and Nigeria fighting with him. He stated that his forces include elements from all these countries.
Admissions by Jelha
Jelha praised Major General Hassan Matouq al-Zadma, the Libyan general, confirming that he would send more troops to him as part of their forces’ exchange. The Major General al-Zadma mentioned by Jelha is the commander of Battalion 128 under Brigade 161, supervised by General Khalifa Haftar, who is close to the UAE and one of the key suppliers of weapons to the RSF militia.
According to “Middle East Eye”, the fuel supply for the RSF militia is facilitated by Sabil al-Salam units and Battalion 128 in Haftar’s army, led by Hassan Matouq al-Zadma. Al-Zadma’s battalion is responsible for the southeastern region of Libya, and its leader has long-standing strong relations with Sudanese and Chadian mercenaries. Additionally, there are Sudanese groups operating in border areas, helping to supply the RSF due to tribal ties and camaraderie from previous conflicts.
Sudan’s Acting Foreign Minister Hussein Awad mentioned that Chad remains a headquarters for RSF leaders, where they hold meetings, conduct recruitments, buy loyalty, and receive funds. Injured members of the “terrorist militia” are treated in Chadian hospitals, or arrangements are made for them to travel abroad for treatment.

Tut and the Nuer Recruits
Recently, the militia has focused on recruiting Nuer youth from South Sudan, known for their sniping, tracking, and handling of artillery and heavy weapons. Their numbers have increased in recent months through human trafficking networks and labour contractors, some of whom are close to Tut Gatluak, the security advisor to Salva Kiir, who denies any involvement in the matter.
The English-language newspaper Sudan Post reported extensively on the arrest of Major General Gabriel Tab Gatweik by the “SPLM-in-Opposition” led by Dr Riek Machar. Gatweik was accused of recruiting fighters from South Sudan’s Unity State for the RSF. Gatweik leads a unit of up to 1,000 South Sudanese fighters within the RSF. Sources claim he has been recruiting fighters in Unity State since December 2023 and was captured in May 2024 while attempting to reach the SPLM-IO headquarters in Tong.
The RSF has heavily relied on foreign fighters, including those from South Sudan. One of the RSF’s allies is General Stephen Buay Rolnyang, the leader of the South Sudanese opposition movement, whose soldiers have been seen in online photos wearing RSF uniforms.
It was notable that among those captured by the Sudanese Armed Forces after liberating the radio and television headquarters in March were about 152 individuals from a single area in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State.
Simultaneously, hundreds of South Sudanese who had been working in brick kilns in Al-Gereif suburb and Gezira State were recruited. These recruits now form the backbone of the forces currently stationed in Buri and Bahri, particularly within the farms and along Mour Street to Qaddafi Street, passing through Soba and the industrial area south of Khartoum.
International reports have highlighted the RSF’s supply and provisioning movements through South Sudan following attempts to pave roads between Abu Matariq and Raja in Western Bahr el Ghazal State. The RSF is trying to establish permanent supply lines with South Sudan through the Blue Nile State.

Foreign Aggression
The extent of foreign interference in this war is striking. Sudan is facing aggression from seven countries and regional and international organisations. The current government has submitted an official complaint to the UN Security Council against the involved parties, accusing them of supporting the rebellion. The Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and Army Chief, General Al-Burhan, mentioned in one of his speeches to the Sudanese people that the country is facing “the greatest conspiracy in its modern history, targeting its entity, identity, and the fate of its people.”
The war is essentially between the Sudanese Armed Forces and thousands of foreign mercenaries who have infiltrated Sudan through borders outside the army’s control. Even Hemeti, currently absent, might not realise the extent of this force, which has multiplied several times since the war began.
Some estimates suggest that over three million weapons have been smuggled into Sudan in recent years, with foreign countries preparing thousands of mercenaries and deploying them in the Sudanese war. This has been evidenced in numerous videos, photos, and confessions of prisoners from Central Africa, Chad, South Sudan, and Ethiopia, all wearing RSF uniforms and infiltrating through operations in western and central Sudan. Among these is the Chadian movement leader Hussein Amin Juju. Sudan handed over six Emirati passports found on fighters within the militia ranks after they were killed.
Many of these mercenaries have been paid, but they do not know why they are fighting. Given the circumstances of assembling this transnational African force, it can be said that Hemeti invested in the role assigned to him by the European Union to combat illegal migration. Thus, his crimes in Darfur were overlooked, and he was allowed to establish camps on the border areas between Sudan and neighbouring countries, gathering African migrants in these camps and incorporating them into the RSF. This force became a powerful, multinational entity with Western funding under the nominal control of the Al-Daglo family.
This force grew from 27,000 to 200,000 fighters in just three years. The likely objective was to seize power by force in several African countries, either through coups or direct attacks, creating what is known as “creative chaos.”