Sudanese Diplomacy: One System and Multiple Ministers

Sudanhorizon – Mariam Abshir
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation has, for a long period, been experiencing instability at the very top of its organisational hierarchy. Since Sudan’s system of governance changed in April 2019, the ministerial seat has changed hands repeatedly. In the first government of Dr Abdalla Hamdok, the post was held by Ms Asmaa Mohamed Abdalla, followed by Dr Omar Gamar El-Din, who served in an acting capacity, and then by Dr Mariam Al-Sadiq. Thus, three ministers occupied the position within the span of just two years.
Following 25 October 2021, the Chair of the Sovereignty Council assigned the management of ministries to undersecretaries on an acting basis. The Undersecretary then assumed the position of Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, Ambassador Ali Al-Sadiq, who remained in office for two and a half years. He was followed by the then Undersecretary, Ambassador Hussein Awad, who stayed only a few months before departing, to be succeeded by Dr Ali Youssef, a diplomatic expert, who himself remained in post for only a few months.
However, the shortest tenure was that of Ambassador Omar Siddiq, who held the office for only a few days before the newly appointed Prime Minister, Dr Kamil Idris, dismissed the ministers and tasked the undersecretaries with running the ministries pending the formation of a government.
After a period of time, Ambassador Omar Siddiq was appointed Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but he remained only briefly before submitting his resignation. He was then followed by the current minister, Ambassador Mohieddin Salem.
Regulations and Systems
Some observers believe that the succession of changes at the apex of the ministry has had a negative impact on overall performance during an extremely sensitive period, arguing that each minister brings his or her own vision for managing the ministry’s affairs, even though the state leadership sets the overall framework of foreign policy. Others, however, contend that changing the minister does not have a significant effect so long as the ministry’s laws, regulations, working principles, and the general frameworks governing external relations—bilateral, regional, and international partnerships—are determined by the state leadership, with the ministry’s role confined to implementation, a task carried out by its diplomatic and administrative staff.
The Last Four Years
Observers note that the past four years—particularly since the outbreak of the militia war in 2023—have witnessed frequent changes in the ministry’s leadership. The year 2025 alone saw five ministers come and go, some of whom served for only a few days.
Some attribute this lack of stability to the ministry itself being targeted as an institution, noting that such repeated changes have not occurred in any other executive ministry under successive Sudanese governments. A specialist source speaking to Sudanhorizon pointed out that, while it is well known that the country is at war and facing severe financial hardship, other ministries have nonetheless remained stable at the top of their administrative hierarchies, unlike the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Oversight
The same source believes that one reason for instability within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is interference by certain state officials in the ministry’s operations. The Chair of the Sovereignty Council assigned some council members supervisory roles over ministries. It is understood, however, that the purpose of oversight is not to interfere in the ministry’s day-to-day diplomatic and administrative work. This situation has contributed to disputes and a lack of coordination between many of the ministers who have served at the ministry and those assigned to oversee it. The source attributed this to the absence of a precise definition of the supervisory role.
All the ministers who have held the portfolio were technocrats who did not require external interference in their routine administrative work. Coordination, the source argued, should have been direct with the Chair of the Sovereignty Council, as the primary authority responsible for foreign policy and its direction, alongside coordination with other ministries and agencies connected to external affairs.
The source also recalled that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not operate in isolation, but rather within a network of overlapping responsibilities with other state bodies. As part of its daily routine, the ministry is required to consult these government entities regarding the direction of foreign policy in specific areas.
Despite the Circumstances
Despite the severe conditions, the source noted that since the outbreak of the war to the present day—and in the face of intense hostility from neighbouring, regional, international, and Western states—the ministry, through its staff and with calm resolve and patience, has managed to weaken this conspiracy against Sudan and the overt hostility towards the government. This hostility began with neighbouring states (Ethiopia, Libya, Chad, and the Central African Republic) and extended to Kenya and Uganda, as well as to the European Union, the African Union, and IGAD as regional and sub-regional organisations.
The source added that it is well known that calm diplomatic work under wartime conditions does not always produce immediately visible results. He pointed out that Russia, a major power, faces a similar wave of hostility from the European Union because of its war with Ukraine, including the suspension of its membership in some organisations. He stressed that diplomatic work is closely linked to developments on the domestic front, particularly in times of war: the more victories the army achieves on the ground, the more this is reflected externally. This is further reinforced by the firm support of the people behind their leadership and armed forces to restore dignity and seek justice for the grave violations committed by the rebellious Rapid Support Forces militia. Such diplomatic efforts, backed by facts on the ground, have significantly changed Sudan’s image abroad and facilitated the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ work.
A Reflective Mirror
Former Foreign Minister Ibrahim Taha Ayoub attributes the lack of stability to several factors, foremost among them the appointment of some ministry staff on the basis of partisan, tribal, or regional affiliations. This, he argues, led to a serious breakdown in the cohesion that should exist among peers and members of the same profession. Naturally, colleagues should cooperate and support one another in defending their profession with integrity, rather than pursuing personal agendas at the expense of the professional and national agendas that should guide such a sensitive institution.
In an interview with Sudanhorizon, Ayoub said the result is that new generations within the diplomatic corps are raised in the same manner, eventually becoming leaders of diplomatic work, only to find themselves unable to confront the challenges they face—whether originating from their own minister or from other bodies with no role in shaping or implementing foreign policy.
He added that another factor is not only the frequent change of ministers but also the inability of these individuals—who are themselves retired diplomats—to confront challenges and directives issued by bodies not responsible for executing the state’s foreign policy. Those selected to lead Sudanese diplomacy, he said, were expected to participate in shaping foreign policy, advise the country’s leadership, and then implement the agreed policy in a manner that prioritises national interests—chief among them building the strongest possible relations with the world, its states, and its international and regional institutions. The foreign minister should not act as a spokesperson for internal actors pursuing their own interests. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he concluded, is ultimately a mirror reflecting what is happening within the state’s institutions.
Professional Diplomacy
By contrast, some specialists argue that all those who have held the foreign affairs portfolio are professional diplomats, including the Prime Minister, Ambassador Kamil Idris. They note that all entered the ministry through open national competition overseen by the Civil Service Selection Commission since the early 1980s, and that all are recognised for their competence and distinction within Sudanese diplomacy. Dr Kamil Idris himself is regarded as the first Sudanese diplomat to head a United Nations organisation, having been elected for two terms.
According to the former official spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Al-Sadiq Al-Muqalli, all the ministers assumed office at a time of acute difficulty, with Sudan suffering international and regional isolation and a complete rupture with the multilateral international financial system, particularly the World Bank Group and the African Development Bank. The debt-relief track under the HIPC Initiative was suspended, and Sudan’s participation in African Union activities was frozen following the dissolution of the civilian-military partnership in October 2021.
Al-Muqalli added that recognition by Western states—led by the United States and the European Union—shifted from legal recognition of the Sudanese government during the transitional period to de facto recognition. This entailed the suspension of all bilateral relations, limiting engagement to the dispatch of envoys as part of efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. He also pointed to interference by certain actors in matters falling squarely within the mandate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the executive branch, as well as statements that at times harmed bilateral relations with some countries—particularly African neighbours—and contradictions in the state’s official discourse, all of which contributed to instability at the ministry’s helm.
Intersections
A diplomatic source who requested anonymity told Sudanhorizon that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is governed by well-established laws, regulations, values, systems, and organisational and administrative flexibility in managing its work from the base of the hierarchy to its summit—traditions passed down from one generation of staff to the next.
The source added that performance is rarely affected by the temporary absence of senior leaders due to routine missions, assignments, or emergency leave for health reasons; indeed, senior leadership has seldom been able to take annual leave in recent years due to the country’s circumstances.
Nevertheless, the same source acknowledged that the multiplicity of ministers and the frequent changes of undersecretaries between April 2019 and December 2025 have undoubtedly affected overall stability within the ministry. This has been due to the lack of continuity in policies and priorities arising from differing visions—whether in dealing with external affairs, coordinating with state leadership and institutions (particularly those with intersecting external mandates), or even in vertical and horizontal relations within the ministry and its diplomatic missions, professionally, administratively, and financially.

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